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Feb. 22, 2004
The good fence — 2004
By NACHMAN SHAI
The term "good fence" is well known in Israel. In 1975 Israel opened the border crossing between itself and Lebanon for the first time.
Through that opening, new relations between Israel and the southern Lebanese population began to flow.
I recall that fence because today Israel is busy with a new fence between itself and the Palestinian Authority. Its ramifications impact Israel’s relations with the Palestinians as well as the international community.
Many Israelis are looking forward to the fence. It comes from the same motives as the "good fence," the wish to ensure security.
Ariel Sharon did not want the fence, but it is his fence and it will be named for him. It runs along a route that separates Israel and the Palestinians, divides east Jerusalem from the villages and towns that have become a de facto part of the city, and in other parts tries to do the impossible — to include as many Jewish settlements as possible and exclude as many Palestinian residents as possible.
Israelis in general want a fence, but it is doubtful they want this one. Once the public was convinced it could give them additional security, there was no longer any need to justify its construction. But this fence’s political twisting and the attempt to shape a new international border between Israel and the Palestinians are the source of the resistance Israel is meeting today.
Sharon has already had to instruct the National Security Council to change the fence’s route. Tens of thousands of Palestinians will be caught on the wrong side. Israel is seeking a humanitarian solution and will probably have to change the route to decrease the internal and external pressure.
This is a fence that makes no one happy. The Jewish residents of the territories are afraid it sets them apart from the rest of Israel; and even if it runs deep into Judea and Samaria, it will prevent the future annexation of those areas. The Israeli Left is angry because it wanted a fence on the 1967 line. But the 1967 borders are dead because they were not defensible.
The Palestinians aren’t happy about being cut off from Israel, either. Those who want a deal understand we are approaching a forced agreement, with Israel imposing a division of the West Bank into two parts, not necessarily where they choose. And the Palestinian terrorists are angry because their path to Israel, which they have crossed dozens of times lately, has been blocked.
WE HAVE Gaza as an example. Gaza is surrounded by a less sophisticated fence, but it is very effective. The fact is that infiltrations from Gaza are very few. Most terrorism now comes from Judea and Samaria. That is a precedent we should keep in mind.
Now that Israel is talking about a unilateral disengagement from Gaza, including taking out the 17 settlements there, the fence takes on a new meaning. It will be the border. It will be the line the army is deployed on for years to come. The international community is not happy, either. The US had the road map. Only recently have the Americans understood that it is obsolete and are reluctantly accepting the unilateral disengagement plan.
The Europeans are cautious. They seek comprehensive solutions. Most of them want what is good for the Palestinians.
As opposed to what the "historians" who rewrite our history say, Israel never had any difficulty living within fence after fence. For decades we defended long kilometers of fences along the country’s borders with Egypt, Syria, Jordan, and Lebanon — and a long sea border — and did not feel it was a sign of fear or defeatism. That was the border, and we defended it.
So what are we complaining about now? The good fence was laid to rest in 2000 when the IDF withdrew from Lebanon. Along with it went the idea of a south Lebanon friendly to Israel. The Christian population was diminished and dispersed. Hizbullah took control of south Lebanon and is the boss there.
Now we have to try to make sure this new fence, whether temporary or permanent, is also good. That means it should be adjusted to security needs and to the needs of the population. It is possible. Such a fence can be the beginning of an Israeli-Palestinian agreement. This or a future government will live with these facts and adjust the political reality to the new way of life created on the ground.
The writer is director-general of the United Jewish Communities-Israel and was IDF spokesman during the 1991 Gulf War.
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